Hey all,
Here's an article I bumped into that explores the modern dilemma of black women and the politics of respectability. The issues are (sadly?) eerily similar to those facing black folks (and in this particular case, black women) throughout the 19th century, particularly in the North where free men and women were trying to navigate the waters of American life and culture. Go here to see the article on the Ms. blog, and be sure to check out the article on the Crunk Feminist Collective site. It may be a bit spicy for some of you (there's bad language in it) but it makes some interesting points about the politics of respectability and their continued influence within black culture in general and hip hop culture in particular.
Let me know what you think!
Saturday, September 22, 2012
Blog Synopsis: Thursday, September 20th
On Thursday, we delved into Reconstruction: its literal components, what it mean for new freedmen, and whether or not it can be simply categorized as a "success" or "failure." The class began, however, with a return to a previous hot-button topic regarding the notion of activism. We struggled with the question of what, exactly, constitutes activism? Perhaps, we concluded, it would be even more difficult to determine what did not constitute activism. Context, it was determined, is an absolute necessity in viewing early African-American activism. While an African-American couple purchasing a home in white neighborhood in present-day Cincinnati would be a non-event, in the 1950's, that same event would certainly exemplify activism. We must be careful not to retrospectively judge early, seemingly non-consequential modes of resistance, as they must be viewed in light of the total institution of slavery.
The Constitutional framework of Reconstruction: the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments, allowed African-Americans the opportunity to not only engage in institution-building on a massive scale, but to challenge the socio-economic status quo by exercising control over their own labor. For the first time, African-Americans can say no! This heightened sense of personal autonomy catalyzed a massive diaspora during Reconstruction. Former slaves sought better jobs, displaced family-members, and expressed a distinct desire to move away from their former masters. The Freedman's Bureau, for instance was designed to assist African-Americans and landless whites during Reconstruction, offering funding for schools and infrastructure.
Family-life for African-Americans in the Reconstruction era was immeasurably different. Now, African-Americans could get legally married; no more "jumping the broom." The tenuous connection which existed between family during bondage, the knowledge that, at any time, one member could be sold away, dissolved immediately. In the 1870s-1890s, African-American families begin to rename themselves, rejecting the surname of their former owner, in favor of ones that more readily indicated their destiny as sons and daughters of America (Washington, Jefferson, etc.). Central to notions of family, was the concept of identity creation. Freedmen diligently sought, both collectively and individually, the opportunity to recreate themselves in their own image, according to their standards.
The Church was another major institution which quickly developed in the immediate post-Civil War era. Much like the situation regarding the rejection of former master's names, African-Americans sought to distance themselves from the churches of their former masters. By 1870-1880, Several different denominations of African-American churches were flourishing: the African-Methodist Episcopal Church, Church of God in Christ, among others. In addition to offering spiritual guidance and providing valuable community service, African-American churches represented some of the largest and most important pieces of public space available to African-Americans in the period. With growth of so many new denominations in a short amount of time, African-Americans faced a dilemma: Do I want to join an African-Methodist Episcopal Church or go to a traditional Methodist church? The greater variety of options available to African-Americans during Reconstruction allowed for an even more individualized rout to the systematic cultivation of group and personal identity.
Early on, African-Americans realized the centrality of education to achieving the fulfillment of their recently-granted status in America. This voracious appetite for learning did not suddenly spring up during Reconstruction, however. Slaves exhibited a conscious desire for self-education while in bondage. "Pit Schools," holes 6-7 feet deep where slaves would organize clandestine meetings in order to teach each other to both read and write, demonstrate the fact that African-American desire for higher education was not a new or novel concept come Reconstruction. Rather, the efforts to advance African-American education during the Reconstruction period represented a continuation of past exertions. Nobody had to tell freedmen that education was important. It was obviously key, they realized, because since 1830, they had been legally barred from learning to read/write in most southern states. The rise of Historically Black Colleges occurred during this period. From 1866-1867, Morehouse College, Spelman, and Howard were founded. Ex-slaves were, tellingly, the biggest proponents of the public school system in the South. The region was overwhelmingly agrarian and rural, with very few members living in cities. As a result, few Southerners prioritized education in a manner analogous to that of African-Americans. The state constitutions of 1868, constructed under a period of high-percentage African-American representation, established the basis upon which southern public school systems were created.
Throughout Reconstruction, African-Americans sought to "build freedom from the ground up." Provided the legal infrastructure to challenge extant socio-economic hierarchies,African-Americans engaged in a protracted negotiation, most notably for labor and public space. Though seemingly uninspiring now, public space was of paramount importance in the early 20th Century. Parades, for instance, were extremely well attended, and were used by sundry institutions to assert their political independence and identity. When African-Americans began to exercise their freedom with regards to the notion of public space, whites often viewed it as an intrusion, resulting in the initiation of a protracted negotiation for the exercise of legal freedoms and political power. As a result of the percieved "encroachment" of African-Americans into the public sphere, the American South begins to develop the legal structure, beginning with Plessy v. Ferguson for legal segregation.
The Constitutional framework of Reconstruction: the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments, allowed African-Americans the opportunity to not only engage in institution-building on a massive scale, but to challenge the socio-economic status quo by exercising control over their own labor. For the first time, African-Americans can say no! This heightened sense of personal autonomy catalyzed a massive diaspora during Reconstruction. Former slaves sought better jobs, displaced family-members, and expressed a distinct desire to move away from their former masters. The Freedman's Bureau, for instance was designed to assist African-Americans and landless whites during Reconstruction, offering funding for schools and infrastructure.
Family-life for African-Americans in the Reconstruction era was immeasurably different. Now, African-Americans could get legally married; no more "jumping the broom." The tenuous connection which existed between family during bondage, the knowledge that, at any time, one member could be sold away, dissolved immediately. In the 1870s-1890s, African-American families begin to rename themselves, rejecting the surname of their former owner, in favor of ones that more readily indicated their destiny as sons and daughters of America (Washington, Jefferson, etc.). Central to notions of family, was the concept of identity creation. Freedmen diligently sought, both collectively and individually, the opportunity to recreate themselves in their own image, according to their standards.
The Church was another major institution which quickly developed in the immediate post-Civil War era. Much like the situation regarding the rejection of former master's names, African-Americans sought to distance themselves from the churches of their former masters. By 1870-1880, Several different denominations of African-American churches were flourishing: the African-Methodist Episcopal Church, Church of God in Christ, among others. In addition to offering spiritual guidance and providing valuable community service, African-American churches represented some of the largest and most important pieces of public space available to African-Americans in the period. With growth of so many new denominations in a short amount of time, African-Americans faced a dilemma: Do I want to join an African-Methodist Episcopal Church or go to a traditional Methodist church? The greater variety of options available to African-Americans during Reconstruction allowed for an even more individualized rout to the systematic cultivation of group and personal identity.
Early on, African-Americans realized the centrality of education to achieving the fulfillment of their recently-granted status in America. This voracious appetite for learning did not suddenly spring up during Reconstruction, however. Slaves exhibited a conscious desire for self-education while in bondage. "Pit Schools," holes 6-7 feet deep where slaves would organize clandestine meetings in order to teach each other to both read and write, demonstrate the fact that African-American desire for higher education was not a new or novel concept come Reconstruction. Rather, the efforts to advance African-American education during the Reconstruction period represented a continuation of past exertions. Nobody had to tell freedmen that education was important. It was obviously key, they realized, because since 1830, they had been legally barred from learning to read/write in most southern states. The rise of Historically Black Colleges occurred during this period. From 1866-1867, Morehouse College, Spelman, and Howard were founded. Ex-slaves were, tellingly, the biggest proponents of the public school system in the South. The region was overwhelmingly agrarian and rural, with very few members living in cities. As a result, few Southerners prioritized education in a manner analogous to that of African-Americans. The state constitutions of 1868, constructed under a period of high-percentage African-American representation, established the basis upon which southern public school systems were created.
Throughout Reconstruction, African-Americans sought to "build freedom from the ground up." Provided the legal infrastructure to challenge extant socio-economic hierarchies,African-Americans engaged in a protracted negotiation, most notably for labor and public space. Though seemingly uninspiring now, public space was of paramount importance in the early 20th Century. Parades, for instance, were extremely well attended, and were used by sundry institutions to assert their political independence and identity. When African-Americans began to exercise their freedom with regards to the notion of public space, whites often viewed it as an intrusion, resulting in the initiation of a protracted negotiation for the exercise of legal freedoms and political power. As a result of the percieved "encroachment" of African-Americans into the public sphere, the American South begins to develop the legal structure, beginning with Plessy v. Ferguson for legal segregation.
Friday, September 14, 2012
Class Discussion for September 13, 2012
In our last class session, we began discussing the onslaught of slave rebellions that took place in the years prior to the Civil War. Upon looking at these various instances, a common theme begins to emerge: in the cases of Gabriel Prosser, Denmark Vesey, and Nat Turner, a plot in which to overthrow the white oppressors is quickly extinguished before the plan can be carried out. Ironically, all of these men had religious sentiments and revolutionary ideals. The idea of being sacrificed or "crucified" for one's beliefs and the value of a revolutionary rhetoric all resonated with these men. In terms of a religious standpoint, the story of the Exodus out of Egypt served as a deep connection among many in the African American community during this period. Slaves, under the yoke of white oppression, saw themselves as the Israelites, or God's chosen people. In contrast, the white slave holders were the Egyptians keeping them in bondage.
In the 1830s and the 1840s, an expansion of the rhetoric of equality began to develop across America. With the election of President Andrew Jackson in 1828, this notion of equality strengthened, and the idea of the "common man" became an important symbol by a nationalistic standpoint. In reality, this notion of equality and equal rights was severely limited, and was restricted based on race and gender. During this time, the rights for the black population of the United States, in particular those in the deep South, became more and more marginalized within society. Although the Atlantic slave trade ended in 1808, the institution of slavery grew and became more profitable as more states entered the Union. Within this domestic slave trade, over one million slaves were bought and sold. The domestic slave trade also brought greater economic value to the slave industry. For example, a young, fit field hand cost around $500 in 1800. By 1837, the price of a healthy worker cost around $1200. The areas that profited most during this time were the states found in the cotton belt of America: Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, east Texas, and the Florida panhandle. All the while, Africans Americans were subject to a government constantly reaffirming the institution of slavery. For example, the 1857 decision in the case of Dred Scott deemed that African Americans did not have American citizenship. As Chief Justice Taney stated, "Blacks have no rights which a white man is bound to respect." Not only was the government reaffirming slavery, but also infringing on the personal liberty laws of many "free" states in the North. This infringement of state's rights for the benefit of slave holding states became an important fuse in the start of the Civil War.
Predominately, the focus of this class session was on the beginning of black nationalism. To overcome this feeling of inferiority, a convention movement began to arise in the late 1830s. Two of the predominate themes of these movements were the topics of national identity and racial ideology: How should the black population perceive race? As Mallory pointed out in her report on the book The Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the triumph of antislavery politics, the key to a sense of black nationalism lay in the ability of African Americans to construct their own freedom. This nationalism could be achieved in a variety of different ways. As a nation, we are a mix of various cultures. One way of constructing nationalism could be through hearkening back to one's roots. During the onset of the Civil War, slaves also had the opportunity to drastically change the outcome of the war in favor of the Union. As thousands of slaves willingly went toward Union lines, they were actively fighting for their freedom. By joining the army, many black communities believed the war could end the institution of slavery in the United States, and destroy the barriers of difference in terms of racial inferiority. The movement of blacks making their way into Union lines also drastically impacted the view of slavery on the minds of white Northern soldiers. Having seen the horror of slavery up close in the Southern states, the policy towards allowing slaves to fight began to change.
Overall, this class helped to construct a rounder, multi-dimensional persona of the people we are discussing. I certainly believe that one of the main goals of this class is to realize the humanity of the people we are discussing. Because of little circumstantial evidence from that period, it is difficult to understand the thinking of a 19th century African American. However, evidence, such as the friendship and views on war between Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln found in James Oakes' book, helps us to understand the thinking and natural tendencies of the black population during this time.
In the 1830s and the 1840s, an expansion of the rhetoric of equality began to develop across America. With the election of President Andrew Jackson in 1828, this notion of equality strengthened, and the idea of the "common man" became an important symbol by a nationalistic standpoint. In reality, this notion of equality and equal rights was severely limited, and was restricted based on race and gender. During this time, the rights for the black population of the United States, in particular those in the deep South, became more and more marginalized within society. Although the Atlantic slave trade ended in 1808, the institution of slavery grew and became more profitable as more states entered the Union. Within this domestic slave trade, over one million slaves were bought and sold. The domestic slave trade also brought greater economic value to the slave industry. For example, a young, fit field hand cost around $500 in 1800. By 1837, the price of a healthy worker cost around $1200. The areas that profited most during this time were the states found in the cotton belt of America: Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, east Texas, and the Florida panhandle. All the while, Africans Americans were subject to a government constantly reaffirming the institution of slavery. For example, the 1857 decision in the case of Dred Scott deemed that African Americans did not have American citizenship. As Chief Justice Taney stated, "Blacks have no rights which a white man is bound to respect." Not only was the government reaffirming slavery, but also infringing on the personal liberty laws of many "free" states in the North. This infringement of state's rights for the benefit of slave holding states became an important fuse in the start of the Civil War.
Predominately, the focus of this class session was on the beginning of black nationalism. To overcome this feeling of inferiority, a convention movement began to arise in the late 1830s. Two of the predominate themes of these movements were the topics of national identity and racial ideology: How should the black population perceive race? As Mallory pointed out in her report on the book The Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the triumph of antislavery politics, the key to a sense of black nationalism lay in the ability of African Americans to construct their own freedom. This nationalism could be achieved in a variety of different ways. As a nation, we are a mix of various cultures. One way of constructing nationalism could be through hearkening back to one's roots. During the onset of the Civil War, slaves also had the opportunity to drastically change the outcome of the war in favor of the Union. As thousands of slaves willingly went toward Union lines, they were actively fighting for their freedom. By joining the army, many black communities believed the war could end the institution of slavery in the United States, and destroy the barriers of difference in terms of racial inferiority. The movement of blacks making their way into Union lines also drastically impacted the view of slavery on the minds of white Northern soldiers. Having seen the horror of slavery up close in the Southern states, the policy towards allowing slaves to fight began to change.
Overall, this class helped to construct a rounder, multi-dimensional persona of the people we are discussing. I certainly believe that one of the main goals of this class is to realize the humanity of the people we are discussing. Because of little circumstantial evidence from that period, it is difficult to understand the thinking of a 19th century African American. However, evidence, such as the friendship and views on war between Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln found in James Oakes' book, helps us to understand the thinking and natural tendencies of the black population during this time.
Thursday, September 6, 2012
Today in class, our focus was on resistance to slavery. Although we read several passages in preparation for today’s class, for the most part the focus was on Levine’s “Black Culture” with little references to the other passages. I split it up into two parts just because it was easier that way.
The lecture, as I decided, had two main themes: the creation and maintenance of a slave society and resistance to that slave society. We will begin with the creation and maintenance of the slave society. It should be noted that a slave society is different from a society with slaves; a slave society is a society in which slavery is considered one of its founding principles and is therefore woven into the fabric of that society. In order to create such a society, America codified slavery in the Constitution in its three-fifths compromise and the first Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 which was later reinforced by the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, both allowed slave owners to recover their slaves from anywhere in the country; by the time the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 was passed, any black person could, regardless of whether or not they were previously free, be taken into slavery. Because the Constitution only covered those considered a whole person and slaves were only considered to be three-fifths of a person, technically they were not guaranteed anything outlined in the Bill of Rights so in order to be certain that the slaves would not have access to these rights, states put into place various laws, also known as “slave codes.” In addition to codification, various slave ports were also established, ports in Charleston, SC and New York, NY were the two largest, to ensure that the importation of this “property” was possible. In order to enforce and maintain this slave society, whites made use of three methods: dehumanization, subjugation, and coercion. Means of dehumanization included, but were not limited to, preventing the slaves from gathering, reading, and writing. They did not want these things to happen because expressing feelings, telling of atrocities, being educated, having familial structures similar to that of whites, et cetera, were all things that would humanize the slaves (and give them the tools to revolt/rebel) and therefore jeopardize the vitality of the slave society. Means of subjugation included, but were not limited to, things like the fugitive slave law that allowed slaveholders to retain control of their slaves at pretty much all costs. Means of coercion included, but were not limited to, any ways the slave holders decided to threaten, mutilate, beat, et cetera, slaves; they were allowed to do anything because slaves were property. This slave society was prepared to deal with slaves who did not do what they were told whether it be by laws that granted permission, or widely accepted customs and traditions.
Onto the resistance to the slave society on behalf of those enslaved. People were all over the place when it came to their responses to slavery, in regards to how they chose to resist slavery, if they chose to do so at all. There is a spectrum that can be used when it comes to their degree of resistance (pictured below). The vast majority of those enslaved fall somewhere in the middle.
Other Notable Mentions:
-Olaudah Equiano who was captured from Nigeria and wrote a narrative about his life that does a fine job of illustrating the ills of slavery.
-In the 19th century, we saw the country becoming more and more pro-slavery. As the U.S. continued to expand, so did slavery.
-1809 slave trade ends, at least legally; it is believed to have gone on until the late 1800s.
-People who are not considered a whole person do not have standing in court.
-Although the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 made people more anti-slavery, it did not make them anti-white supremacy.
-Although the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 made people more anti-slavery, it did not make them anti-white supremacy.
-From the mid to late 1800s, anywhere from 20,000-50,000 slaves tried to run away.
-During war, coercive power of slavery undermined because men were off to war and were not there to enforce the means of coercion and slaves took advantage of these opportunities.
For more information: refer to your notes, re-read the assigned readings, or speak with The Detective.
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